OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


*        £ 

THE    AUSTllO-HUNGARIAN    QUESTION.      | 


CORRESPONDENCE 


BETWEEN 


MR.    HULSEMANN, 

USTRIAN    CHARGE   D'AFFAIRES, 


I 

MR.  WEBSTE%,  v,t 


SECRETARY     OF     STATE     OF     THE     UNITED     STATES. 


WASHINGTON  : 

PRINTED    BY    GIDEON    AND    CO. 

1851. 


J9I6 


THE   AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN   QUESTION 


CORRESPONDENCE 


BETWEEN 


MR.  HULSEMANN, 

AUSTRIAN    CHARGE    D'AFFAIRES, 


MR.   WEBSTER, 

SECRETARY    OF    STATE     OF    THE     UNITED     STATES. 


WASHINGTON : 

PRINTED   BY    GIDEON    AND    CO. 

1851. 


Y-  \  U 


CORRESPONDENCE. 


IN  SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

December  30,  1850 

A  message  was  received  from  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
oy  Mr.  M.  P.  FILLMORE,  his  private  secretary,  dated  the  30th 
instant,  communicating,  in  reply  to  a  resolution  of  the  Senate  of 
the  20th  instant,  certain  correspondence  between  our  Government 
and  Austria.  The  correspondence  was  read,  and  is  as  follows  : 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
WASHINGTON,  December  30,  1850. 

To  the  President  of  the  United  States  : 

The  Secretary  of  State,  to  whom  has  been  referred  the  resolu 
tion  of  the  Senate  of  the  26th  instant,  requesting  the  President 
"to  communicate  to  the  Senate,  if  not  incompatible  with  the 
public  interest,  copies  of  any  correspondence,  if  any  has  taken 
place,  between  the  Department  of  State  and  the  Austrian  Charge 
d'Affaires,  respecting  the  appointment  or  proceedings  of  the  agent 
sent  out  to  examine  and  report  upon  the  condition  and  prospects 
of  the  Hungarian  people,  during  their  recent  struggle  for  inde 
pendence,"  has  the  honor  to  lay  before  the  Presidents  copy  of 
the  correspondence  called  for  by  the  resolution. 

Respectfully  submitted, 

DANIEL  WEBSTER. 


Chevalier  J.   G.  Hulsemann  to  the  Secretary  of  State. 
[Translation.] 

AUSTRIAN  LEGATION, 
WASHINGTON,  September  30,  1850. 

The  undersigned,  Charge  d' Affaires  of  his  Majesty  the  Emperor 
of  Austria,  has  been  instructed  to  make  the  following  communica 
tion  to  the  Secretary  of  State  : 

As  soon  as  the  Imperial  Government  became  aware  of  the  fact 
that  a  United  States  agent  had  been  despatched  to  Vienna,  with 
orders  to  watch  for  a  favorable  moment  to  recognise  the  Hunga 
rian  Republic,  and  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  the 
same,  the  undersigned  was  directed  to  address  some  confidential 
but  pressing  representations  to  the  Cabinet  of  Washington  against 
that  proceeding,  which  is  so  much  at  variance  with  those  princi 
ples  of  international  law,  so  scrupulously  adhered  to  by  Austria  at 
all  times  and  under  all  circumstances,  towards  the  United  States. 
In  fact,  how  is  it  possible  to  reconcile  such  a  mission  with  the 
principle  of  non-intervention,  so  formally  announced  by  the  United 
States  as  the  basis  of  American  policy,  and  which  had  just  been 
sanctioned  with  so  much  solemnity  by  the  President,  in  his  inau 
gural  address  of  March  5,  1849  ?  Was  it  in  return  for  the  friend 
ship  and  confidence  which  Austria  had  never  ceased  to  manifest 
towards  them,  that  the  United  States  became  so  impatient  for  the 
downfall  of  the  Austrian  Monarchy,  and  even  sought  to  accelerate 
that  event  by  the  utterance  of  their  wishes  to  that  effect  ?  Those 
who  did  not  hesitate  to  assume  the  responsibility  of  sending  Mr. 
Dudley  Mann  on  such  an  errand,  should,  independent  of  considera 
tions  of  propriety,  have  borne  in  mind  that  they  were  exposing 
their  emissary  to  be  treated  as  a  spy.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that 
the  American  Government  was  not  better  informed  as  to  the  actual 
resources  of  Austria,  and  her  historical  perseverance  in  defending 
her  just  rights.  A  knowledge  of  those  resources  would  have  led 
to  the  conclusion  that  a  contest  of  a  few  months'  duration  could 


5 

neither  have  exhausted  the  energies  of  that  Power,  nor  turned 
aside  its  purpose  to  put  down  the  insurrection.  Austria  has 
struggled  against  the  French  revolution  for  twenty-five  years ; 
the  courage  and  perseverance  which  she  exhibited  in  that  memo 
rable  contest  have  been  appreciated  by  the  whole  world. 

To  the  urgent  representations  of  the  undersigned,  Mr.  Clayton 
answered  that  Mr.  Mann's  mission  had  no  other  object  in  view 
than  to  obtain  reliable  information  as  to  the  true  state  of  affairs  in 
Hungary,  by  personal  observation ;  this  explanation  can  hardly 
be  admitted,  for  it  says  very  little  as  to  the  cause  of  the  anxiety 
which  was  felt  to  ascertain  the  chances  of  the  revolutionists. 
Unfortunately,  the  language  in  which  Mr.  Mann's  instructions 
were  drawn  gives  us  a  very  correct  idea  of  their  scope.  This 
language  was  offensive  to  the  Imperial  Cabinet,  for  it  designates 
the  Austrian  Government  as  an  iron  rule,  and  represents  the 
rebel  chief,  Kossuth,  as  an  illustrious  man ;  while  improper  ex 
pressions  are  introduced  in  regard  to  Russia,  the  intimate  and 
faithful  ally  of  Austria.  Notwithstanding  these  hostile  demon 
strations,  the  Imperial  Cabinet  has  deemed  it  proper  to  preserve 
a  conciliatory  deportment,  making  ample  allowance  for  the  igno 
rance  of  the  Cabinet  of  Washington  on  the  subject  of  Hungarian 
affairs,  and  its  disposition  to  give  credence  to  the  mendacious 
rumors  which  are  propagated  by  the  American  press.  This  ex 
tremely  painful  incident,  therefore,  might  have  been  passed  over 
without  any  written  evidence  being  left,  on  our  part,  in  the 
archives  of  the  United  States,  had  not  General  Taylor  thought 
proper  to  revive  the  whole  subject  by  communicating  to  the  Senate, 
in  his  message  of  the  18th  of  last  March,  the  instructions  with 
which  Mr.  Mann  had  been  furnished  on  the  occasion  of  his  mis 
sion  to  Vienna.  The  publicity  which  has  been  given  to  that 
document  has  placed  the  Imperial  Government  under  the  neces 
sity  of  entering  a  formal  protest,  through  its  official  representa 
tive,  against  the  proceedings  of  the  American  Government,  lest 
that  Government  should  construe  our  silence  into  approbation,  or 


toleration  even,  of  the  principles  which  appear  to  have  guided  its 
action  and  the  means  it  has  adopted. 

In  view  of  all  these  circumstances,  the  undersigned  has  been 
instructed  to  declare  that  the  Imperial  Government  totally  disap 
proves,  and  will  always  continue  to  disapprove,  of  those  proceed 
ings,  so  offensive  to  the  laws  of  propriety ;  and  that  it  protests 
against  all  interference  in  the  internal  affairs  of  its  Government. 
Having  thus  fulfilled  his  duty,  the  undersigned  considers  it  a  for 
tunate  circumstance  that  he  has  it  in  his  power  to  assure  the 
Secretary  of  State  that  the  Imperial  Government  is  disposed  to 
cultivate  relations  of  friendship  and  good  understanding  with  the 
United  States,  relations  which  may  have  been  momentarily  weak 
ened,  but  which  could  not  again  be  seriously  disturbed  without 
placing  the  cardinal  interests  of  the  two  countries  in  jeopardy. 

The  instructions  for  addressing  this  communication  to  Mr. 
Clayton  reached  Washington  at  the  time  of  General  Taylor's 
death.  In  compliance  with  the  requisitions  of  propriety,  the 
undersigned  deemed  it  his  duty  to  defer  the  task  until  the  new 
administration  had  been  completely  organized ;  a  delay  which  he 
now  rejoices  at,  as  it  has  given  him  the  opportunity  of  ascertain 
ing  from  the  new  President  himself,  on  the  occasion  of  the  recep 
tion  of  the  diplomatic  corps,  that  the  fundamental  policy  of  the 
United  States,  so  frequently  proclaimed,  would  guide  the  relations 
of  the  American  Government  with  the  other  Powers.  Even  if 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  were  to  think  it  proper  to 
take  an  indirect  part  in  the  political  movements  of  Europe, 
American  policy  would  be  exposed  to  acts  of  retaliation,  and  to 
certain  inconveniences,  which  could  not  fail  to  affect  the  com 
merce  and  the  industry  of  the  two  hemispheres.  All  countries 
are  obliged,  at  some  period  or  other,  to  struggle  against  internal 
difficulties ;  all  forms  of  government  are  exposed  to  such  disagree 
able  episodes ;  the  United  States  have  had  some  experience  in 
this  very  recently.  Civil  war  is  a  possible  occurrence  every 
where,  and  the  encouragement  which  is  given  to  the  spirit  of  in- 


surrection  and  of  disorder  most  frequently  falls  back  upon  those 
who  seek  to  aid  it  in  its  developments,  in  spite  of  justice  and 
wise  policy. 

The  undersigned  avails  himself  of  this  occasion  to  renew  to  the 
Secretary  of  State  the  assurance  of  his  distinguished  considera 
tion. 

HULSEMANN. 

To  the  Hon.  DANIEL  WEBSTER, 

Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States. 


The  Secretary  of  State  to  Mr.  Hiilsemann. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
WASHINGTON,  December  21,  1850. 

The  undersigned,  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  had 
the  honor  to  receive,  some  time  ago,  the  note  of  Mr.  Hiilsemann, 
Charge  d^Affaires  of  his  Majesty,  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  of  the 
30th  September.  Causes,  not  arising  from  any  want  of  personal 
regard  for  Mr.  Hiilsemann,  or  of  proper  respect  for  his  Govern 
ment,  have  delayed  an  answer  until  the  present  moment.  Hav 
ing  submitted  Mr.  Htilsemann's  letter  to  the  President,  the  un 
dersigned  is  now  directed  by  him  to  return  the  following  reply. 

The  objects  of  Mr.  Hiilsemann's  note  are,  first,  to  protest,  by 
order  of  his  Government,  against  the  steps  taken  by  the  late  Pre 
sident  of  the  United  States  to  ascertain  the  progress  and  probable 
result  of  the  revolutionary  movements  in  Hungary  ;  and,  second 
ly,  to  complain  of  some  expressions  in  the  instructions  of  the  late 
Secretary  of  State  to  Mr.  A.  Dudley  Mann,  a  confidential  agent 
of  the  United  States,  as  communicated  by  President  Taylor  to  the 
Senate  on  the  28th  of  March  last. 

The  principal  ground  of  protest  is  founded  on  the  idea,  or  in 
the  allegation,  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  by  the 
mission  of  Mr.  Mann,  and  his  instructions,  has  interfered  in  the 


8 

domestic  affairs  of  Austria  in  a  manner  unjust  or  disrespectful 
toward  that  Power.  The'President's  message  was  a  communica 
tion  made  by  him  to  the  Senate,  transmitting  a  correspondence 
between  the  Executive  Government  and  a  confidential  agent  of  its 
own.  This  would  seem  to  be  itself  a  domestic  transaction,  a  mere 
instance  of  intercourse  between  the  President  and  the  Senate,  in 
the  manner  which  is  usual  and  indispensable  in  communications 
between  the  different  branches  of  the  Government.  It  was  not 
addressed  either  to  Austria  or  Hungary ;  nor  was  it  any  public 
manifesto,  to  which  any  foreign  State  was  called  on  to  reply.  It 
was  an  account  of  its  transactions  communicated  by  the  Execu 
tive  Government  to  the  Senate,  at  the  request  of  that  body  ;  made 
public,  indeed,  but  made  public  only  because  such  is  the  common 
and  usual  course  of  proceeding ;  and  it  maybe  regarded  as  some 
what  strange,  therefore,  that  the  Austrian  Cabinet  did  not  per 
ceive  that,  by  the  instructions  given  to  Mr.  Hiilsemann,  it  was 
itself  interfering  with  the  domestic  concerns  of  a  foreign  State, 
the  very  thing  which  is  the  ground  of  its  complaint  against  the 
United  States. 

This  Department  has,  on  former  occasions,  informed  the  Min 
isters  of  Foreign  Powers  that  a  communication  from  the  President 
to  either  House  of  Congress  is  regarded  as  a  domestic  communi 
cation,  of  which,  ordinarily,  no  foreign  State  has  cognizance  ; 
and,  in  more  recent  instances,  the  great  inconvenience  of  making 
such  communications  subjects  of  diplomatic  correspondence  and 
discussion  has  been  fully  shown.  If  it  had  been  the  pleasure  of 
his  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  during  the  struggles  in  Hun 
gary,  to  have  admonished  the  Provisional  Government  or  the 
people  of  that  country  against  involving  themselves  in  disaster, 
by  following  the  evil  and  dangerous  example  of  the  United  States 
of  America  in  making  efforts  for  the  establishment  of  independent 
Governments,  such  an  admonition  from  that  Sovereign  to  his 
Hungarian  subjects,  would  not  have  originated  here  a  diplomatic 
correspondence.  The  President  might,  perhaps,  on  this  ground, 


nave  declined  to  direct  any  particular  reply  to  Mr.  Hiilsemann's 
note ;  but,  out  of  proper  respect  for  the  Austrian  Government,  it 
has  been  thought  better  to  answer  that  note  at  length ;  and  the 
more  especially,  as  the  occasion  is  not  unfavorable  for  the  expres 
sion  of  the  general  sentiments  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  upon  the  topics  which  that  note  discusses. 

A  leading  subject  in  Mr.  Hlilsemann's  note,  is  that  of  the  cor 
respondence  between  Mr.  Hulsemann  and  the  predecessor  of  the 
undersigned,  in  which  Mr.  Clayton,  by  direction  of  the  President, 
informed  Mr.  Hiilsemann  "that  Mr.  Mann's  mission  had  no  other 
object  in  view  than  to  obtain  reliable  information  as  to  the  true 
state  of  affairs  in  Hungary,  by  personal  observation."  Mr.  Hulse 
mann  remarks,  that  athis  explanation  can  hardly  be  admitted,  for 
it  says  very  little  as  to  the  cause  of  the  anxiety  which  was  felt  to 
ascertain  the  chances  of  the  revolutionists."  As  this,  however, 
is  the  only  purpose  which  can,  with  any  appearance  of  truth,  be 
attributed  to  the  agency;  as  nothing  whatever  is  alleged  by  Mr. 
Hulsemann  to  have  been  either  done  or  said  by  the  agent  incon 
sistent  with  such  an  object,  the  undersigned  conceives  that  Mr. 
Clayton's  explanation  ought  to  be  deemed  not  only  admissible, 
but  quite  satisfactory.  Mr.  Hulsemann  states,  in  the  course  of  his 
note,  that  his  instructions  to  address  his  present  communication  to 
Mr.  Clayton  reached  Washington  about  the  time  of  the  lamented 
death  of  the  late  President,  and  that  he  delayed  from  a  sense  of 
propriety  the  execution  of  his  task  until  the  new  Administration 
should  be  fully  organized:  "a  delay  which  he  now  rejoices  at,  as 
it  has  given  him  the  opportunity  of  ascertaining  from  the  new 
President  himself,  on  the  occasion  of  the  reception  of  the  diplo 
matic  corps,  that  the  fundamental  policy  of  the  United  States,  so 
frequently  proclaimed,  would  guide  the  relations  of  the  American 
Government  with  other  powers."  Mr.  Hiilsemann  also  observes 
that  it  is  in  his  power  to  assure  the  undersigned  "that  the  Impe 
rial  Government  is  disposed  to  cultivate  relations  of  friendship 
and  good  understanding  with  the  United  States."  The  President 


10 

receives  this  assurance  of  the  disposition  of  the  Imperial  Govern 
ment  with  great  satisfaction,  and,  in  consideration  of  the  friendly 
relations  of  the  two  Governments  thus  mutually  recognised,  and 
of  the  peculiar  nature  of  the  incidents  by  which  their  good  under 
standing  is  supposed  by  Mr.  Hiilsemann  to  have  been,  for  a  mo 
ment,  disturbed  or  endangered,  the  President  regrets  that  Mr. 
Hiilsemann  did  not  feel  himself  at  liberty  wholly  to  forbear  from 
the  execution  of  instructions,  which  were  of  course  transmitted 
from  Vienna  without  any  foresight  of  the  state  of  things  under 
which  they  would  reach  Washington.  If  Mr.  Hiilsemann  saw  in 
the  address  of  the  President  to  the  diplomatic  corps,  satisfactory 
pledges  of  the  sentiments  and  the  policy  of  this  Government,  in 
regard  to  neutral  rights  and  neutral  duties,  it  might,  perhaps,  have 
been  better  not  to  bring  on  a  discussion  of  past  transactions.  But 
the  undersigned  readily  admits  that  this  was  a  question  fit  only  for 
the  consideration  and  decision  of  Mr.  Hiilsemann  himself;  and 
although  the  President  does  not  see  that  any  good  purpose  can  be 
answered  by  re-opening  the  inquiry  into  the  propriety  of  the  steps 
taken  by  President  Taylor,  to  ascertain  the  probable  issue  of  the 
late  civil  war  in  Hungary,  justice  to  his  memory  requires  the  un 
dersigned  briefly  to  re-state  the  history  of  those  steps,  and  to  show 
their  consistency  with  the  neutral  policy  which  has  invariably 
guided  the  Government  of  the  United  States  in  its  foreign  rela 
tions,  as  well  as  with  the  established  and  well-settled  principles 
of  national  intercourse,  and  the  doctrines  of  public  law. 

The  undersigned  will  first  observe  that  the  President  is  persua 
ded,  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  does  not  think  that  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  ought  to  view,  with  unconcern, 
the  extraordinary  events  which  have  occurred,  not  only  in  his 
dominions,  but  in  many  other  parts  of  Europe,  since  February, 
1848.  The  Government  and  people  of  the  United  States,  like 
other  intelligent  governments  and  communities,  take  a  lively  in 
terest  in  the  movements  and  the  event*  of  this  remarkable  age, 
in  whatever  part  of  the  world  they  may  be  exhibited.  But  the 


II 

interest  taken  by  the  United  States  in  those  events,  has  not  pro 
ceeded  from  any  disposition  to  depart  from  that  neutrality  toward 
foreign  Powers,  which  is  among  the  deepest  principles  and  the 
most  cherished  traditions  of  the  political  history  of  the  Union.  It 
has  been  the  necessary  effect  of  the  unexampled  character  of  the 
events  themselves,  which  could  not  fail  to  arrest  the  attention  of 
the  contemporary  world;  as  they  will  doubtless  fill  a  memorable 
page  in  history.  But  the  undersigned  goes  further,  and  freely 
admits  that  in  proportion  as  these  extraordinary  events  appeared 
to  have  their  origin  in  those  great  ideas  of  responsible  and  popular 
governments,  on  which  the  American  Constitutions  themselves 
are  wholly  founded,  they  could  not  but  command  the  warm  sym 
pathy  of  the  people  of  this  country. 

Well  known  circumstances  in  their  history,  indeed  their  whole 
history,  have  made  them  the  representatives  of  purely  popular 
principles  of  government.  In  this  light  they  now  stand  before  the 
world.  They  could  not,  if  they  would,  conceal  their  character, 
their  condition,  or  their  destiny.  They  could  not,  if  they  so  de 
sired,  shut  out  from  the  view  of  mankind  the  causes  which  have 
placed  them,  in  so  short  a  national  career,  in  the  station  which 
they  now  hold  among  the  civilized  States  of  the  world.  They 
could  not,  if  they  desired  it,  suppress  either  the  thoughts  or  the 
hopes  which  arise  in  men's  minds,  in  other  countries,  from  con 
templating  their  successful  example  of  free  government.  That  very 
intelligent  and  distinguished  personage,  the  Emperor  Joseph  the 
Second,  was  among  the  first  to  discern  this  necessary  consequence 
of  the  American  Revolution  on  the  sentiments  and  opinions  of  the 
people  of  Europe.  In  a  letter  to  his  Minister  in  the  Netherlands  in 
1787,  he  observes  that  "  it  is  remarkable  that  France,  by  the  as 
sistance  which  she  afforded  to  the  Americans,  gave  birth  to  re 
flections  on  freedom."  This  fact,  which  the  sagacity  of  that 
monarch  perceived  at  so  early  a  day,  is  now  known  and  admitted 
by  intelligent  Powers  all  over  the  world.  True,  indeed,  it  is, 
that  the  prevalence  on  the  other  continent  of  sentiments  favora- 


12 

ble  to  republican  liberty,  is  the  result  of  the  re-action  of  America 
upon  Europe;  and  the  source  and  centre  of  this  re-action  has 
doubtless  been,  and  now  is,  in  these  United  States.  The  position 
thus  belonging  to  the  United  States  is  a  fact  as  inseparable  from 
their  history,  their  constitutional  organization,  and  their  charac 
ter,  as  the  opposite  position  of  the  Powers  composing  the  Euro 
pean  alliance  is  from  the  history  and  constitutional  organization 
of  the  Government  of  those  Powers.  The  sovereigns  who  form 
that  alliance  have  not  unfrequently  felt  it  their  right  to  interfere 
with  the  political  movements  of  foreign  States;  and  have,  in  their 
manifestoes  and  declarations,  denounced  the  popular  ideas  of  the 
age  in  terms  so  comprehensive  as  of  necessity  to  include  the  Uni 
ted  States,  and  their  forms  of  government.  It  is  well  known  that 
one  of  the  leading  principles  announced  by  the  allied  sovereigns, 
after  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons,  is,  that  all  popular  or  con 
stitutional  rights  are  holden  no  otherwise  than  as  grants  and  in 
dulgences  from  crowned  heads.  "Useful  and  necessary  changes 
in  legislation  and  administration,"  says  the  Laybach  Circular  of 
May,  1821,  "ought  only  to  emanate  from  the  free  will  and  intel 
ligent  conviction  of  those  whom  God  has  rendered  responsible  for 
power;  all  that  deviates  from  this  line  necessarily  leads  to  dis 
order,  commotions,  and  evils  far  more  insufferable  than  those 
which  they  pretend  to  remedy."  And  his  late  Austrian  Majesty, 
Francis  I,  is  reported  to  have  declared  in  an  address  to  the  Hun 
garian  Diet,  in  1820,  that  "the  whole  world  had  become  foolish, 
and,  leaving  their  ancient  laws,  was  in  search  of  imaginary  con 
stitutions."  These  declarations  amount  to  nothing  less  than  a 
denial  of  the  lawfulness  of  the  origin  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  since  it  is  certain  that  that  Government  was  estab 
lished  in  consequence  of  a  change  which  did  not  proceed  from 
thrones,  or  the  permission  of  crowned  heads.  But  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  heard  these  denunciations  of  its  funda 
mental  principles  without  remonstrance,  or  the  disturbance  of  its 
equanimity.  This  was  thirty  years  ago. 


13 

The  power  of  this  Republic,  at  the  present^moment,  is  spread 
over  a  region,  one  of  the  richest  and  most  fertile  on  the  globe, 
and  of  an  extent  in  comparison  with  which  the  possessions  of  the 
House  of  Hapsburg  are  but  as  a  patch  on  the  earth's  surface.  Its 
population,  already  twenty-five  millions,  will  exceed  that  of  the 
Austrian  empire  within  the  period  during  which  it  may  be  hoped 
that  Mr.  Hiilsemann  may  yet  remain  in  the  honorable  discharge  of 
his  duties  to  his  Government.  Its  navigation  and  commerce  are 
hardly  exceeded  by  the  oldest  and  most  commercial  nations;  its 
maritime  means  and  its  maritime  power  may  be  seen  by  Austria 
herself,  in  all  seas  where  she  has  ports,  as  well  as  it  may  be  seen, 
also,  in  all  other  quarters  of  the  globe.  Life,  liberty,  property, 
and  all  personal  rights  are  amply  secured  to  all  citizens,  and  pro 
tected  by  just  and  stable  laws;  and  credit,  public  and  private,  is 
as  well  established  as  in  any  government  of  Continental  Europe. 
And  the  country,  in  all  its  interests  and  concerns,  partakes  most 
largely  in  all  the  improvements  and  progress  which  distinguish 
the  age.  Certainly,  the  United  States  may  be  pardoned,  even  by 
those  who  profess  adherence  to  the  principles  of  absolute  govern 
ments,  if  they  entertain  an  ardent  affection  for  those  popular 
forms  of  political  organization  which  have  so  rapidly  advanced 
their  own  prosperity  and  happiness,  and  enabled  them,  in  so  short 
a  period,  to  bring  their  country  and  the  hemisphere  to  which  it 
belongs,  to  the  notice  and  respectful  regard,  not  to  say  the  admi 
ration,  of  the  civilized  world.  Nevertheless,  the  United  States 
have  abstained,  at  all  times,  from  acts  of  interference  with  the 
political  changes  of  Europe.  They  cannot,  however,  fail  to 
cherish  always  a  lively  interest  in  the  fortunes  of  nations  strug 
gling  for  institutions  like  their  own.  But  this  sympathy,  so  far 
from  being  necessarily  a  hostile  feeling  toward  any  of  the  parties 
to  these  great  national  struggles,  is  quite  consistent  with  amica 
ble  relations  with  them  all.  The  Hungarian  people  are  three  or 
four  times  as  numerous  as  the  inhabitants  of  these  United  States 
were  when  the  American  Revolution  broke  out.  They  possess^ 


14 

in  a  distinct  language,  and  in  other  respects,  important  elements  of 
a  separate  nationality,  which  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  in  this  country 
did  not  possess;  and  if  the  United  States  wish  success  to  coun 
tries  contending  for  popular  constitutions  and  national  indepen 
dence,  it  is  only  because  they  regard  such  constitutions  and  such 
national  independence,  not  as  imaginary,  but  as  real  blessings. 
They  claim  no  right,  however,  to  take  part  in  the  struggles  of 
foreign  Powers  in  order  to  promote  these  ends.  It  is  only  in 
defence  of  his  own  Government,  and  its  principles  and  character, 
that  the  undersigned  has  now  expressed  himself  on  this  subject. 
But  when  the  United  States  behold  the  people  of  foreign  countries 
without  any  such  interference,  spontaneously  moving  toward  the 
adoption  of  institutions  like  their  own,  it  surely  cannot  be  expect 
ed  of  them  to  remain  wholly  indifferent  spectators. 

In  regard  to  the  recent  very  important  occurrences  in  the  Aus 
trian  empire,  the  undersigned  freely  admits  the  difficulty  which 
exists  in  this  country,  and  is  alluded  to  by  Mr.  Hiilsemann,  of 
obtaining  accurate  information.  But  this  difficulty  is  by  no  means 
to  be  ascribed  to  what  Mr.  Hiilsemann  calls — with  little  justice, 
as  it  seems  to  the  undersigned — "the  mendacious  rumors  propa 
gated  by  the  American  press."  For  information  on  this  subject, 
and  others  of  the  same  kind,  the  American  press  is,  of  necessity, 
almost  wholly  dependant  upon  that  of  Europe;  and  if  "menda 
cious  rumors"  respecting  Austrian  and  Hungarian  affairs  have 
been  any  where  propagated,  that  propagation  of  falsehoods  has 
been  most  prolific  on  the  European  continent,  and  in  countries 
immediately  bordering  on  the  Austrian  empire.  But,  wherever 
these  errors  may  have  originated,  they  certainly  justified  the  late 
President  in  seeking  true  information  through  authentic  channels. 
His  attention  was  first  particularly  drawn  to  the  state  of  things  in 
Hungary,  by  the  correspondence  of  Mr.  Stiles,  Charge  d'Affaires 
of  the  United  States  at  Vienna.  In  the  autumn  of  1848,  an  ap 
plication  was  made  to  this  gentleman,  on  behalf  of  Mr.  Kossuth, 
formerly  Minister  of  Finance  for  the  kingdom  of  Hungary  by  Im- 


15 

perial  appointment,  but  at  the  time  the  application  was  made,  Chief 
of  the  Revolutionary  Government.  The  object  of  this  application 
was  to  obtain  the  good  offices  of  Mr.  Stiles  with  the  Imperial 
Government,  with  a  view  to  the  suspension  of  hostilities.  This 
application  became  the  subject  of  a  conference  between  Prince 
Schwarzenberg,  the  Imperial  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and 
Mr.  Stiles.  The  Prince  commended  the  considerateness  and  pro 
priety  with  which  Mr.  Stiles  had  acted;  and,  so  far  from  disap 
proving  his  interference,  advised  him,  in  case  he  received  a  fur 
ther  communication  from  the  Revolutionary  Government  in  Hun 
gary,  to  have  an  interview  with  Prince  Windischgratz,  who  was 
charged  by  the  Emperor  with  the  proceedings  determined  on  in 
relation  to  that  kingdom.  A  week  after  these  occurrences,  Mr. 
Stiles  received,  through  a  secret  channel,  a  communication  signed 
by  L.  Kossuth,  President  of  the  Committee  of  Defence,  and  coun 
tersigned  by  Francis  Pulsky,  Secretary  of  State.  On  the  receipt 
of  this  communication,  Mr.  Stiles  had  an  interview  with  Prince 
Windischgratz,  "who  received  him  with  the.  utmost  kindness, 
and  thanked  him  for  his  efforts  toward  reconciling  the  existing 
difficulties."  Such  were  the  incidents  which  first  drew  the  atten 
tion  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  particularly  to  the 
affairs  of  Hungary,  and  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Stiles,  though  acting 
without  instructions  in  a  matter  of  much  delicacy,  having  been 
viewed  with  satisfaction  by  the  Imperial  Government,  was  ap 
proved  by  that  of  the  United  States. 

In  the  course  of  the  year  1848,  and  in  the  early  part  of  1849,  a 
considerable  number  of  Hungarians  came  to  the  United  States. 
Among  them  were  individuals  representing  themselves  to  be  in 
the  confidence  of  the  Revolutionary  Government,  and  by  these 
persons  the  President  was  strongly  urged  to  recognise  the  existence 
of  that  Government.  In  these  applications,  and  in  the  manner  in 
which  they  were  viewed  bythe  President,  there  was  nothing  unusu 
al  ;  still  less  was  there  anything  unauthorized  by  the  law  of  nations. 
It  is  the  right  of  every  independent  State  to  enter  into  friendly 


16 

relations  with  every  other  independent  State.  Of  course,  ques 
tions  of  prudence  naturally  arise  in  reference  to  new  States, 
brought  by  successful  revolutions  into  the  family  of  nations  ;  but 
it  is  not  to  be  required  of  neutral  Powers  that  they  should  await 
the  recognition  of  the  new  Government  by  the  parent  State.  No 
principle  of  public  law  has  been  more  frequently  acted  upon, 
within  the  last  thirty  years,  by  the  great  Powers  of  the  world  than 
this.  Within  that  period  eight  or  ten  new  States  have  established 
independent  Governments  within  the  limits  of  the  colonial  domin 
ions  of  Spain,  on  this  continent ;  and  in  Europe^  the  same  thing 
has  been  done  by  Belgium  and  Greece.  The  existence  of  all 
these  Governments  was  recognised  by  some  of  the  leading  Powers 
of  Europe,  as  well  as  by  the  United  States,  before  it  was  acknow 
ledged  by  the  States  from  which  they  had  separated  themselves. 
If,  therefore,  the  United  States  had  gone  so  far  as  formally  to 
acknowledge  the  independence  of  Hungary,  although,  as  the  re 
sult  has  proved,  it  would  have  been  a  precipitate  step,  and  one 
from  which  no  benefit  would  have  resulted  to  either  party ;  it 
would  not,  nevertheless,  have  been  an  act  against  the  law  of  na 
tions,  provided  they  took  no  part  in  her  contest  with  Austria. 
But  the  United  States  did  no  such  thing.  Not  only  did  they  not 
yield  to  Hungary  any  actual  countenance  or  succor  ;  not  only  did 
they  not  show  their  ships  of  war  in  the  Adriatic  with  any  menac 
ing  or  hostile  aspect,  but  they  studiously  abstained  from  every 
thing  which  had  not  been  done  in  other  cases  in  times  past,  and 
contented  themselves  with  instituting  an  inquiry  into  the  truth 
and  yeality  of  alleged  political  occurrences.  Mr.  Hlilsemann  in 
correctly  states,  unintentionally  certainly,  the  nature  of  the  mis 
sion  of  this  agent,  when  he  says  that  "  a  United  States  agent  had 
been  dispatched  to  Vienna  with  orders  to  watch  for  a  favorable 
moment  to  recognise  the  Hungarian  republic,  and  to  conclude  a 
treaty  of  commerce  with  the  same."  This,  indeed,  would  have 
been  a  lawful  object,  but  Mr.  Mann's  errand  was,  in  the  first  in 
stance,  purely  one  of  inquiry.  He  had  no  power  to  act,  unless 


17 

he  had  first  come  to  the  conviction  that  a  firm  and  stable  Hunga 
rian  Government  existed.  "  The  principal  object  the  President 
has  in  view,"  according  to  his  instructions,  "is  to  obtain  minute 
and  reliable  information  in  regard  to  Hungary  in  connexion  with 
the  affairs  of  adjoining  countries,  the  probable  issue  of  the  present 
revolutionary  movements,  and  the  chances  we  may  have  of  form 
ing  commercial  arrangements  with  that  Power  favorable  to  the 
United  States."  Again,  in  the  same  paper,  it  is  said:  "The 
object  of  the  President  is  to  obtain  information  in  regard  to  Hun 
gary,  and  her  resources  and  prospects,  with  a  view  to  an  early 
recognition  of  her  independence  and  the  formation  of  commercial 
relations  with  her."  It  was  only  in  the  event  that  the  new  Gov 
ernment  should  appear,  in  the  opinion  of  the  agent,  to  be  firm 
and  stable,  that  the  President  proposed  to  recommend  its  recogni 
tion. 

Mr.  Hiilsemann,  in  qualifying  these  steps  of  President  Taylor 
with  the  epithet  of  "hostile,"  seems  to  take  for  granted  that  the 
inquiry  could,  in  the  expectation  of  the  President,  have  but  one 
result,  and  that  favorable  to  Hungary.  If  this  were  so,  it  would 
not  change  the  case.  But  the  American  Government  sought  for 
nothing  but  truth  ;  it  desired  to  learn  the  facts  through  a  reliable 
channel.  It  so  happened,  in  the  chances  and  vicissitudes  of  hu 
man  affairs,  that  the  result  was  adverse  to  the  Hungarian  revolu 
tion.  The  American  agent,  as  was  stated  in  his  instructions  to 
be  not  unlikely,  found  the  condition  of  Hungarian  affairs  less 
prosperous  than  it  had  been,  or  had  been  believed  to  be.  He  did 
not  enter  Hungary,  nor  hold  any  direct  communication  with  her 
revolutionary  leaders.  He  reported  against  the  recognition  of  her 
independence,  because  he  found  she  had  been  unable  to  set  up  a 
firm  and  stable  government.  He  carefully  forbore,  as  his  instruc 
tions  required,  to  give  publicity  to  his  mission,  and  the  undersigned 
supposes  that  the  Austrian  Government  first  learned  its  existence 
from  the  communications  of  the  President  to  the  Senate. 

Mr.  Hiilsemann  will  observe  from  this   statement  that  Mr. 
2 


18 

Mann's  mission  was  wholly  unobjectionable,  and  strictly  within 
the  rule  of  the  law  of  nations,  and  the  duty  of  the  United  States 
as  a  neutral  Power.  He  will  accordingly  feel  how  little  founda 
tion  there  is  for  his  remark,  that  "those  who  did  not  hesitate  to 
assume  the  responsibility  of  sending  Mr.  Dudley  Mann  on  such 
an  errand,  should,  independent  of  considerations  of  propriety,  have 
borne  in  mind  that  they  were  exposing  their  emissary  to  be  treated 
as  a  spy."  A  spy  is  a  person  sent  by  one  belligerent  to  gain  secret 
information  of  the  forces  and  defences  of  the  other,  to  be  used  for 
hostile  purposes.  According  to  practice,  he  may  use  deception, 
under  the  penalty  of  being  lawfully  hanged  if  detected.  To  give 
this  odious  name  and  character  to  a  confidential  agent  of  a  neutral 
Power,  bearing  the  commission  of  his  country,  and  sent  for  a  pur 
pose  fully  warranted  by  the  law  of  nations,  is  not  only  to  abuse 
language,  but  also  to  confound  all  just  ideas,  and  to  announce  the 
wildest  and  most  extravagant  notions,  such  as  certainly  were  not 
to  have  been  expected  in  a  grave  diplomatic  paper ;  and  the  Pre 
sident  directs  the  undersigned  to  say  to  Mr.  Hiilsemann,  that  the 
American  Government  would  regard  such  an  imputation  upon  it 
by  the  Cabinet  of  Austria,  as  that  it  employs  spies,  and  that  in  a 
quarrel  none  of  its  own,  as  distinctly  offensive,  if  it  did  not  pre 
sume,  as  it  is  willing  to  presume,  that  the  word  used  in  the  origi- 
nel  German  was  not  of  equivalent  meaning  with  "  spy"  in  the 
English  language,  or  that  in  some  other  way  the  employment  of 
such  an  opprobrious  term  may  be  explained.  Had  the  Imperial 
Government  of  Austria  subjected  Mr.  Mann  to  the  treatment  of  a 
spy,  it  would  have  placed  itself  without  the  pale  of  civilized  na 
tions  ;  and  the  Cabinet  of  Vienna  may  be  assured  that  if  it  had 
carried,  or  attempted  to  carry,  any  such  lawless  purpose  into 
effect,  in  the  case  of  an  authorized  agent  of  this  Government,  the 
spirit  of  the  people  of  this  country  would  have  demanded  imme 
diate  hostilities  to  be  waged  by  the  utmost  exertion  of  the  power 
of  the  Republic,  military  and  naval. 

Mr.  Hiilsemann  proceeds  to  remark  that  "this  extremely  pain- 


19 

ful  incident,  therefore,  might  have  been  passed  over,  without  any 
written  evidence  being  left  on  our  part  in  the  archives  of  the  Uni 
ted  States,  had  not  General  Taylor  thought  proper  to  revive  the 
whole  subject,  by  communicating  to  the  Senate,  in  his  message 
of  the  18th  [28th]  of  last  March,  the  instructions  with  which  Mr. 
Mann  had  been  furnished  on  the  occasion  of  his  mission  to  Vienna. 
The  publicity  which  has  been  given  to  that  document  has  placed 
the  Imperial  Government  under  the  necessity  of  entering  a  formal 
protest,  through  its  official  representative,  against  the  proceedings 
of  the  American  Government,  lest  that  Government  should  con 
strue  our  silence  into  approbation,  or  toleration  even,  of  the  prin 
ciples  which  appear  to  have  guided  its  action  and  the  meafts  it 
has  adopted."     The  undersigned  re-asserts  to  Mr.   Hiilsemann, 
and  to  the  Cabinet  of  Vienna,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  world, 
that  the  steps  taken  by  President  Taylor,  now  protested  against 
by  the  Austrian  Government,  were  warranted  by  the  law  of  na 
tions  and  agreeable  to  the  usages  of  civilized  States.     With  re 
spect  to  the   communication  of  Mr.   Mann's  instructions  to  the 
Senate,  and  the  language  in  which  they  are  couched,  it  has 
already  been  said,  and  Mr.   Hiilsemann  must  feel  the  justice  of 
the  remark,  that  these  are  domestic  affairs,  in  reference  to  which 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  cannot  admit  the  slightest 
responsibility  to  the  Government  of  his  Imperial  Majesty.     No 
State,  deserving  the  appellation  of  independent,  can  permit  the 
language  in  which  it  may  instruct  its  own  officers  in  the  discharge 
of  their  duties  to  itself  to  be  called  in  question  under  any  pretext 
by  a  foreign  Power.     But,  even  if  this  were  not  so,  Mr.  Hiilse 
mann  is  in  an  error  in  stating  that  the  Austrian  Government  is 
called  an  "  Iron  Rule"  in  Mr.  Mann's  instructions.     That  phrase 
is  not  found  in  the  paper ;  and  in  respect  to  the  honorary  epithet 
bestowed  in  Mr.  Mann's  instructions  on  the  late  chief  of  the  Re 
volutionary  Government  of  Hungary,  Mr.  Hiilsemann  will  bear 
in  mind  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  cannot  justly 
be  expected,  in  a  confidential  communication  to  its  own  agent,  to 


20 

withhold  from  an  individual  an  epithet  of  distinction  of  which  a 
great  part  of  the  world  thinks  him  worthy,  merely  on  the  ground 
that  his  own  Government  regards  him  as  a  rebel.  At  an  early  stage 
of  the  American  Revolution,  while  Washington  was  considered  by 
the  English  Government  as  a  rebel  chief,  he  was  regarded  on  the 
continent  of  Europe  as  an  illustrious  hero.  But  the  undersigned 
will  take  the  liberty  of  bringing  the  Cabinet  of  Vienna  into  the 
presence  of  its  own  predecessors,  and  of  citing  for  its  consideration 
the  conduct  of  the  Imperial  Government  itself.  In  the  year  1777, 
the  war  of  the  American  Revolution  was  raging  all  over  these 
United  States;  England  was  prosecuting  that  war  with  a  most 
resolute  determination,  and  by  the  exertion  of  all  her  military 
means  to  the  fullest  extent.  Germany  was  at  that  time  at  peace 
with  England;  and  yet  an  agent  of  that  Congress,  which  was 
looked  upon  by  England  in  no  other  light  than  that  of  a  body  in 
open  rebellion,  was  not  only  received  with  great  respect  by  the 
Ambassador  of  the  Empress  Queen  at  Paris,  and  by  the  Minister 
of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  who  afterwards  mounted  the  im 
perial  throne,  but  resided  in  Vienna  for  a  considerable  time;  not, 
indeed,  officially  acknowledged,  but  treated  with  courtesy  and 
respect;  and  the  Emperor  suffered  himself  to  be  persuaded  by 
that  agent  to  exert  himself  to  prevent  the  German  Powers  from 
furnishing  troops  to  England  to  enable  her  to  suppress  the  rebel 
lion  in  America.  Neither  Mr.  Hiilsemann,  nor  the  cabinet  of 
Vienna,  it  is  presumed,  will  undertake  to  say  that  any  thing  said 
or  done  by  this  Government  in  regard  to  the  recent  war  between 
Austria  and  Hungary  is  not  borne  out,  and  much  more  than  borne 
out,  by  this  example  of  the  Imperial  Court.  It  is  believed  that 
the  Emperor  Joseph  the  Second,  habitually  spoke  in  terms  of 
respect  and  admiration  of  the  character  of  Washington,  as  he  is 
known  to  have  done  of  that  of  Franklin;  and  he  deemed  it  no 
infraction  of  neutrality  to  inform  himself  of  the  progress  of  the 
Revolutionary  struggle  in  America,  nor  to  express  his  deep  sense 
of  the  merits  and  the  talents  of  those  illustrious  men  who  were 


21 

then  leading  their  country  to  independence  and  renown.  The 
undersigned  may  add,  that  in  1781,  the  Courts  of  Russia  and 
Austria  proposed  a  diplomatic  Congress  of  the  belligerent  Powers, 
to  which  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  States  should  be  ad 
mitted. 

Mr.  Hiilsemann  thinks  that  in  Mr.  Mann's  instructions,  improper 
expressions  are  introduced  in  regard  to  Russia;  but  the  under 
signed  has  no  reason  to  suppose  that  Russia  herself  is  of  that  opin 
ion.  The  only  observation  made  in  those  instructions  about  Rus 
sia  is  that  she  "has  chosen  to  assume  an  attitude  of  interference, 
and  her  immense  preparations  for  invading  and  reducing  the  Hun 
garians  to  the  rule  of  Austria,  from  which  they  desire  to  be  re 
leased,  gave  so  serious  a  character  to  the  contest  as  to  awaken 
the  most  painful  solicitude  in  the  minds  of  Americans."  The 
undersigned  cannot  but  consider  the  Austrian  Cabinet  as  unneces 
sarily  susceptible  in  looking  upon  language  like  this  as  a  "hostile 
demonstration."  If  we  remember  that  it  was  addressed  by  the 
Government  to  its  own  agent,  and  has  received  publicity  only 
through  a  communication  from  one  Department  of  the  American 
Government  to  another,  the  language  quoted  must  be  deemed 
moderate  and  inoffensive .  The  comity  of  nations  would  hardly 
forbid  its  being  addressed  to  the  two  Imperial  Powers  themselves. 
It  is  scarcely  necessary  for  the  undersigned  to  say,  that  the  rela 
tions  of  the  United  States  with  Russia  have  always  been  of  the 
most  friendly  kind,  and  have  never  been  deemed  by  either  party 
to  require  any  compromise  of  their  peculiar  views  upon  subjects 
of  domestic  or  foreign  polity,  or  the  true  origin  of  Governments. 
At  any  rate,  the  fact  that  Austria,  in  her  contest  with  Hungary, 
had  an  intimate  and  faithful  ally  in  Russia,  cannot  alter  the  real 
nature  of  the  question  between  Austria  and  Hungary,  nor  in  any 
way  affect  the  neutral  rights  and  duties  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  or  the  justifiable  sympathies  of  the  American  peo 
ple.  It  is,  indeed,  easy  to  conceive,  that  favor  toward  struggling 
Hungary  would  be  not  diminished,  but  increased,  when  it  was 


22 

seen  that  the  arm  of  Austria  was  strengthened  and  upheld  by  a 
Power  whose  assistance  threatened  to  be,  and  which  in  the  end 
proved  to  be,  overwhelmingly  destructive  of  all  her  hopes. 

Toward  the  conclusion  of  his  note  Mr.  Hulsemann  remarks  that 
"if  the  Government  of  the  United  States  were  to  think  it  proper 
to  take  an  indirect  part  in  the  political  movements  of  Europe, 
American  policy  would  be  exposed  to  acts  of  retaliation,  and  to 
certain  inconveniences  which  would  not  fail  to  affect  the  com 
merce  and  industry  of  the  two  hemispheres."  As  to  this  possi 
ble  fortune,  this  hypothetical  retaliation,  the  Government  and 
people  of  the  United  States  are  quite  willing  to  take  their  chances 
and  abide  their  destiny.  Taking  neither  a  direct  nor  an  indirect 
part  in  the  domestic  or  intestine  movements  of  Europe,  they  have 
no  fear  of  events  of  the  nature  alluded  to  by  Mr.  Hulsemarm.  It 
would  be  idle  now  to  discuss  with  Mr.  Hulsemann  those  acts  of 
retaliation  which  he  imagines  may  possibly  take  place  at  some 
indefinite  time  hereafter.  Those  questions  will  be  discussed 
when  they  arise;  and  Mr.  Hulsemann  and  the  Cabinet  at  Vienna 
may  rest  assured  that,  in  the  mean  time,  while  performing  with 
strict  and  exact  fidelity  all  their  neutral  duties,  nothing  will  de 
ter  either  the  Government  or  the  people  of  the  United  States 
from  exercising,  at  their  own  discretion,  the  rights  belonging  to 
them  as  an  independent  nation,  and  of  forming  and  expressing 
their  own  opinions,  freely  and  at  all  times,  upon  the  great  politi 
cal  events  which  may  transpire  among  the  civilized  nations  of  the 
earth.  Their  own  institutions  stand  upon  the  broadest  principles 
of  civil  liberty;  and  believing  those  principles  and  the  fundamen 
tal  laws  in  which  they  are  embodied  to  be  eminently  favorable  to 
the  prosperity  of  States — to  be,  in  fact,  the  only  principles  of  gov 
ernment  which  meet  the  demands  of  the  present  enlightened 
age — the  President  has  perceived,  with  great  satisfaction,  that,  in 
the  Constitution  recently  introduced  into  the  Austrian  Empire, 
many  of  these  great  principles  are  recognised  and  applied,  and 


23 

he  cherishes  a  sincere  wish  that  they  may  produce  the  same 
happy  effects  throughout  his  Austrian  Majesty's  extensive  do 
minions  that  they  have  done  in  the  United  States. 

The  undersigned  has  the  honor  to  repeat  to  Mr.  Hiilsemann 
the  assurance  of  his  high  consideration. 

DAN'L  WEBSTER. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 
LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 

RECEIVED 





REC'D  LD 


MAR  16  1959 


5196969 


REC'D  LD 


HOV  29  196800 


LD  21A-50m-9,'58 
(6889slO)476B  - 


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